THE MADLANGA COMMISSION: WHY IT MATTERS, WHAT IT’S FOR, AND WHAT SOUTH AFRICANS HAVE HEARD SO FAR

What is the Madlanga Commission?

Formally titled the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Criminality, Political Interference and Corruption in the Criminal Justice System, the Madlanga Commission was established by President Cyril Ramaphosa on 23 July 2025 after explosive public allegations by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. The commission is chaired by retired acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. Its mandate is to investigate whether criminal syndicates and political actors have infiltrated policing, intelligence, prosecution and even parts of the judiciary—and to make actionable recommendations for prosecutions, disciplinary action and institutional reform. 

In plain language: the commission’s job is to test—through evidence and under oath—claims that elements of the justice system have been “captured” by organised crime and political influence, and to recommend concrete steps to fix it. It has the power to summon witnesses and documents, sit in public or behind closed doors when necessary to protect witnesses or sensitive intelligence, and refer matters for immediate criminal investigation. It must deliver an interim report within three months of establishment and a final report within six months, unless extended. 

Hearings began on 17 September 2025 in Pretoria, with Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi as the first witness. Proceedings are being held at the Brigitte Mabandla Justice College. After an adjournment caused by a witness falling ill, the commission has announced it will resume on 13 October 2025. 

Why this matters to South Africans

South Africans have long asked why major cases stall, why witnesses are intimidated or killed, and why high-profile prosecutions collapse. The Madlanga Commission puts those questions under a microscope. If its work validates the allegations, it will document how criminal networks, politics and parts of the state intersect—and propose changes to stop it. If the allegations do not hold, the process can help restore confidence by exposing myths and clarifying facts. Either way, the stakes are the rule of law, public safety, and the effectiveness of institutions we rely on for justice. 

It’s also important to understand limits: commissions of inquiry are powerful fact-finding bodies, but their recommendations are not binding—follow-through depends on police, prosecutors and the executive. Past inquiries (from Seriti to Zondo) show both the value and the frustrations of this model: they can reveal the truth and recommend reforms, but real impact comes only when the state acts on those findings. 

The commission’s purpose, in brief

According to its gazetted terms of reference, the commission must determine:

• Whether criminal syndicates (including drug cartels) have infiltrated or exerted undue influence over the SAPS (including Crime Intelligence and the Political Killings Task Team), the NPA, the SSA, metro police departments, elements of the judiciary, and Correctional Services.

• The nature, extent and consequences of such infiltration (e.g., facilitation of organised crime, manipulation of investigations, intimidation or removal of whistle-blowers).

• The role of senior officials and members of the national executive (present or former) in aiding, abetting or failing to act on credible warnings.

• The adequacy of oversight, laws and policies, and what should change.

• Urgent referrals for suspension, disciplinary action or prosecution where prima facie evidence exists. 

What has been uncovered so far (through testimony and documents placed before the commission)

Important: The commission is still hearing evidence. The points below reflect allegations and testimony under oath, not final findings. Those implicated will have an opportunity to respond.

1. Disbandment of the KZN Political Killings Task Team (PKTT)

Lt-Gen Mkhwanazi testified that the then police minister’s decision to disband the PKTT undermined sensitive investigations into political murders. He described a January 2025 letter, subsequent turmoil around the team, and the transfer of 121 case dockets to national headquarters—dockets he says later returned to the PKTT unworked. He also outlined the risks investigators faced, including threats and witness intimidation. 

2. Alleged political and business interference in policing

Mkhwanazi’s evidence included WhatsApp exchanges and references to businessmen—among them Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala and Brown Mogotsi—and suggested that political decisions affecting the PKTT may have been influenced by individuals with vested interests. (Those named have publicly rejected or disputed aspects of these allegations.)

3. National Police Commissioner’s testimony raises questions

National Commissioner Gen Fannie Masemola appeared on 22 September 2025. Reporting from the hearing noted contradictions around how he interpreted and acted on the directive to disband the PKTT—issues that commissioners probed in detail.

4. Crime Intelligence on the “Big Five” cartel

Crime Intelligence head Lt-Gen Dumisani Khumalo testified about a Gauteng-based organised-crime network dubbed the “Big Five” and alleged links to politics and state officials. Media reports from his evidence session state that communications obtained from suspects suggested payments to political delegates and efforts to frustrate investigations. These are serious claims now on the commission’s record, to be tested further when implicated parties respond.

5. Additional witnesses and continuity of the process

The commission has also heard from the KZN Director of Public Prosecutions (NPA) and SAPS Legal Services (on governance and policy questions), building the picture of how decisions were taken and overseen. Proceedings paused when Lt-Gen Khumalo fell ill and are due to resume on 13 October 2025.

Who’s running the process—and how it’s being resourced

Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga chairs the commission. The team includes senior counsel and investigators; notably, Adv Matthew Chaskalson SC was appointed Chief Evidence Leader on 1 October after Adv Terry Motau SC stepped down. Government has stated the commission’s R147.9-million budget is properly managed and provided a high-level breakdown of spending (personnel, services, secure ICT). 

What to watch next

• Counter-evidence and cross-examination: Many of the most serious claims will be tested when those implicated respond under oath. Expect sharper focus on decision-making chains, document trails and intelligence handling. 

• Early referrals: The commission has the power to refer matters for urgent investigation or prosecution if prima facie evidence emerges before its final report—watch for these signals. 

• Interim report: The commission’s three-month interim report is designed to surface actionable recommendations without waiting for the final. Implementation by SAPS, NPA and the executive will be the true test. 

Bottom line

The Madlanga Commission is about more than who did what in a handful of cases. It’s a public X-ray of how our criminal justice system is (or isn’t) insulated from criminal capture and political manipulation. If the commission validates the allegations, South Africa will have a roadmap for prosecutions and reforms; if it does not, the process can still repair trust by setting the record straight. Either way, its work is a crucial step toward safer communities and a justice system worthy of public confidence.